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To the extent that this heritage of classical sociology acknowledges the discontents at the core of modernity as well as its historical changes it still has its merits as a living tradition for analyses of modern life today Turner, But in trying to develop a more up-to-date approach, we must account for the existence of multiple modernities, that is, a number of different sites and forms of modernity, including those outside the West Featherstone et al.
Processes of modernity may be globally alike to the extent that they all entail the demolishing of the old order to make room for the new. But the values, norms, and cultural forms and practices that result from these processes, the way in which they are interpreted, and even the driving forces behind them, may differ from one cultural context to the other Therborn, Denning stipulates that area studies such as American Studies in the traditional sense fitted well with the period between and when the world was conventionally divided into discrete, partitioned spaces: the capitalist First World, the communist Second World, and the decolonizing Third World.
This position is open to question, however. The increasing importance of transnational corporations and other non-state actors and agencies notwithstanding, many states have survived intact and a number of new ones have been founded. The available evidence points to the sustained importance of the nation-state as a political and economic entity, and this certainly holds true for the United States.
These changes are a pre-condition for further globalization and a consequence of it. But this reconfiguration is to some extent a question of deliberate choice. The rapid expansion of global economic activity since the s is first of all a result of political decisions made by governments to lift the international restrictions on capital as part of a more general adoption of neoliberal policies. Once these decisions were implemented, the technology came into its own, and accelerated the speed of communication and calculations that helped bring the movement of money to an extraordinary level.
The implication is that nation and territory do still make a difference — even in a globalized context. The latter strategic places are embedded in national territories and therefore stay, at least partly, within the judicial orbit of various state-centered regulatory systems.
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In the ongoing process of capitalist transnationalization, corporate geography has been reconfigured into a new system of worldwide time-space connections, but they are neither hardly decentered nor fully integrated, retaining a hierarchical structure and uneven distribution. Most TNCs still have their headquarters in the richest developed countries, that usually provide the best overall socioeconomic, political, and legal bases for their operations, and where their owners and managers reside. Private digital networks bring along forms of power that differ from the more widely distributed power associated with public digital networks.
Major examples are wholesale financial markets, corporate intra-nets, and corporate networks bringing together borrowers and lenders in a private domain rather than the public domain of stock markets. The vastly expanded global capital market that emerged in the s has the structural power and organizational connections with national economies to make its requirements felt in national economic policymaking. In providing some of the norms for national economic policymaking the operational logic of the capital market exerts an influence that goes far beyond the financial sector.
There is also the embeddedness of global finance in the environments of actual financial centers, places where national laws continue to be operative, although these often entail greatly modified laws Sassen, : , For a good understanding of globalizing American culture outside its country of origin it is necessary to examine the local appropriations in relation to the projections of American powers hard and soft; military, economic, political, social and cultural in the international arena.
Important American cultural influences are implicated in U. It must also be recognized that intercultural influence does not by definition run parallel with international political and economical relationships. For the time being, the United States maintains a strong position in many of the domains that matter most in the current era of globalization. Examples include the standards and rules governing the Internet and other international communication networks; securities law and practice; and international legal, accounting, and management practices.
Much of the information revolution originated in the United States and a large part of the content of global information networks is manufactured there, giving globalization a U. Various technologies and technological devices that propel current globalization have been largely invented and originally popularized in the United States.
An influential religious movement that carries cultural globalizing from the West is evangelical Protestantism, particularly in its Pentecostal version. In the past fifty years or so U. In many of these places new fundamentalist Protestant ministries from the United States — mostly neo-Pentecostalist and evangelist strains — have been holding crusades in which they disseminated their versions of the Gospel.
Cinema of India
It has turned into one of the most significant cultural influences from the United States Brouwer et al. By the turn of the new millennium, a major study among senior managers and chief executives of U. The executives claimed to be totally objective and neutral about their views on globalization, and seemed oblivious to the fact that their American background might limit their vision.
When they visit other countries, they stay in U. Their way of working also shields them from serious doubts about their activities because of insufficient feedback from locals and others. There were notable exceptions, however, among people employed by international nongovernmental organizations that focused on environmental protection, human rights, emergency humanitarian relief, and the like.
Of course, living and working in a particular sociocultural bubble is not an exclusively American practice, as corporate business managers and professionals from many other countries move around in the same insulated transnational world. And members of international professional organizations as well as professionals and politicians allied with organizations like the European Union, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the Arab League or the United Nations may have their own sociocultural bubbles.
This leads us to one other important issue. The Western culture that is conveyed through globalization has a conflict-laden heterogeneity that is carried along too. It means that criticisms of the dominant American way of life and specific parts thereof by, among others, American anti-capitalists, environmentalists, feminists, concerned journalists, intellectuals, and politicians are spread abroad as well. American culture wars and identity politics have been exported as part and parcel of the globalization process. This is the major point of contention.
But the American culture wars are also being fought on foreign ground around broader issues surrounding sexuality, the family, and education by progressive and conservative special interest groups. These have established offices and staffs around the world to lobby foreign governments and international organizations on behalf of their respective causes. All of this concerns more generally Western culture wars transposed to the global level, but the discourses and practices of the agencies concerned are as yet strongly modeled after American exemplars; these agencies may even merely be global extensions of American organization movements and other institutions.
The emerging global culture is most visibly manifest in the domain of mass-popular culture. It was from the creative synergy of European-born painters and U. In the s and s, the abstract expressionist painters created the first internationally significant U. In recent decades, one can witness a restructuring of older patterns and transnational flows of high culture especially concert hall music.
This development results from the usage of global communication technologies, cross-media marketing and distribution techniques by globalizing cultural industries, as well as the increased transnational significance of the culture of performance and attendant celebrity cults originating in the United States.
European Cinema after 1989: Cultural Identity and Transnational Production
Postmodernist forms of global culture often have an American imprint, because of the global outreach of U. As Malcolm Bradbury pointed out, the United States has been the site of both the Americanization of modernity — the condition that resulted from processes of modernization — and the Americanization of modernism — the iconoclastic, anti-traditionalist movement in the arts that took of in late-nineteenth century Europe.
These two forms of Americanization have merged into one within the crucible of postmodern culture in America during the late twentieth century Bradbury, : This globalizing popular culture is to some degree detached from its American roots, but on the other hand it still continues to be fed with new inputs from the changing U. One should also realize that the manifest cultural content is not all-important.
The forms of commercial popular culture, the genres and social relationships established through cinema, television, the Internet or otherwise, may have a more decisive influence. For example, the mediation of formal politics by the spectacular modes of television news and current affairs programs and the rise of infotainment originating in the United States has radically altered local politics in many places of the world. On the one hand, the proliferation of TV channels allowed by new digital technologies enabled the development of niche markets.
On the other hand, however, commercial pressures, whether driven by the quest for greater advertising or subscription revenue largely achieved, although not exclusively, through high circulations and audience ratings tended to induce producers to opt for the tried and tested formula and to routinize their formats or schedules rather than take creative risks McQuail, : The s saw a huge explosion of U.
In the early twenty-first century a small group of corporations were obvious leaders in terms of the revenues they gained from global cultural-industry markets. This also included the growing influence of U. The names and organizational structures of these companies change regularly, as further mergers, acquisitions and sell-offs take place or are suspended by regulatory agencies. Below these mega-corporations there was a second tier of regional corporations consisting of 43 companies, which were, apart from one Latin American company Televisa, Mexico and one Australian company PBL , all based in either North America 21 companies, including three Canadian , Europe ten companies, including five British or Japan nine companies Variety, Overall, U.
In the past few decades intellectual property has become of major significance — that is, the cultural industries increasingly operate around the ownership rights of films, TV programs, songs, brands. This enables them to circulate characters, icons, and narratives across many different media, and deploy intensive cross-promotion Hesmondhalgh, : , However, one must not overlook the co-implication of non-American investors in all of this.
Cinema of India - Wikipedia
Ironically, French companies have been major investors in Hollywood since the s. The management of conglomerates in the French film industry no longer felt obliged to defend those established values of high culture so long espoused by their intellectual compatriots. But this did not mean basic changes in cultural content. At the turn of the new millennium, Americanizing forces were expected to remain strong in popular culture in the foreseeable future Rosendorf, : However, certain American cultural media contents have become less popular around the world.
Foreign sales of American TV programs have declined, as locals increasingly preferred locally produced shows. This has much to do with the cultural specificity in television drama which does not simply transfer well to all foreign cultures. Export programming appeared to take hold only in cultural niches of narrative compatibility Frau-Meigs, In , among the 60 countries in a worldwide survey 71 percent of their top 10 programs were locally produced. The worldwide television market is growing, but America is becoming less dominant in it.
S imports. Indian, Egyptian, and Mexican soap operas undercut the price of U. However, the latter companies have extensive ties to and joint ventures with American media companies, as well as with Wall Street investment banks. They are also primary instigators and beneficiaries of the expansion of the U. Syria has become a major exporter of television dramas to the Arabic world. China, potentially the largest cable TV market in the world, proved to be hard to penetrate by Fox, Time Warner and other big program providers. Only 50 million Chinese speak Cantonese, however, while million speak Mandarin.
Disney experiences heavy competition from Japanese, Philippine, and Taiwanese producers for the 40 percent market left for cartoons, as Chinese law requires that 60 percent of all cartoons on the air be made in China McChesney, : ; Mann, : ; Marling, : , The U.
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In , 32 percent of Internet sites were American, 28 percent European and 26 percent Asian. And the non-English content of the Internet was growing very fast, which could be gauged, among other things, by the growth in registration of new domain names. Several researchers work with production companies and authors, for instance.
What's your approach to a common European cultural identity? Criminal stories, which we've chosen to focus on, spread well across borders, now more than ever. In novels and TV series, we've chosen themes such as class, ethnicity, location, history and gender.
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How are these themes presented in different countries? How is class discussed in Hungary compared to in Germany? How can a country's history be described, and how present is it in crime fiction? What time span are you focusing on? We've pinpointed the time after — the fall of the Berlin Wall — and onwards. Many political, cultural and geographical changes have taken place since. But texts older than that are still re-issued and there are constantly new screen versions of Agatha Christie's books, for instance, so they also fit the time span.
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